Intersex,
Sex and/or Gender Diverse People and the Death of Transgender
as an Umbrella Term
Paper
presented at Health in Difference 2010: Doing Diversity: 7th National
LGBTI Health Conference
Sydney, Australia, 29 April -1 May 2010
By
Dr Tracie O'Keefe DCH
Abstract
The paper
discusses intersex, sex and/or gender diverse (ISGD) people who are made
up from many differing groups including people who are intersex, transexed,
transsexual, transgendered, androgynous, without sex and gender identity,
and people with sex and gender culturally specific differences. They are
people who experience variations in physical presentation and social behaviour
that is other than stereotypically male or female. Each group may have
its own physical, psychological, social, legal and political issues that
may not necessarily relate to any of the other groups.
Historically these separate groups have often had a history of hostility
towards each other as differing groups seek to speak out publicly in the
others' names. This has, over the past decade, found social construction
theorists mistakenly attempting to usher all of them under the umbrella
term 'transgender' but the word has failed to satisfy the needs of some
individual groups within this category of people. We are on the cusp of
counter-revolution by many to reassert the individuality of each of these
groups and their needs.
Over the past nine years Sex And Gender Education (Australia) has campaigned
to the government for the rights of each and every one of these groups
and continues to do so under the new term 'intersex, sex and/or gender
diverse' people (ISGD). It has, however, become obvious that collective
bargaining under the term 'transgender' has failed to work because it
alienates too many of the aforementioned groups of people. The Australian
Human Rights Commission in its 2009 report on the legal rights of sex
and gender diverse people successfully negotiated its inquiry by using
the open language phrase 'sex and gender diverse' while including each
groups' concerns and issues. The phrase is now becoming more popular with
health professionals, government and some political campaigners and SAGE
proposes the new term 'intersex, sex and/or gender diverse' people (ISGD)
as an overarching model.
Intersex,
Sex and/or Gender Diverse People and the Death of Transgender as an Umbrella
Term
Intersex,
Sex and/or Gender Diverse (ISGD) People as an Overarching Model
Nature produces human diversity in all manner of physiological manifestations:
short, tall, pale, dark-skinned, hairy, bald and so on. In relation to
sexing human beings many physiologists, biologists and microbiologists
understand that sex is a not a bipolar option of either male or female
but a collage of many different characteristics such as genetics, gonads,
reproductive organs, breast tissue, musculature, stature, brain features
and hormonal activation. Some people have both a mixture of male and female
physical characteristics. Other people may have medical conditions that
mean they are unable fulfill the absolute stereotypical physiological
male or female criteria. They become a diverse variation on the physical
sex theme, therefore intersex or sex diverse (O'Keefe, 1999).
Gender is a social construct not a physiological feature. One acts out
gender in a performance of behavioural social interpretations of what
may be considered stereotypically masculine or feminine. There is much
confusion with health professionals and the public concerning the difference
between sex and gender and for accuracy they cannot be used interchangeably.
People act out their gender performance in degrees of femininity, masculinity,
androgyny or neuter interpretations (Money, 1986). To use a feminist analogy,
'One is not born with a gender, one adopts an agenda.'
So people who find themselves neither strictly physiologically male or
female could be said to be intersex or sex diverse because they are a
variation beyond a strictly male or female theme. Other people who find
their socially constructed selves, in relation to society, as less than
stereotypically feminine or masculine could be considered gender diverse.
Some people are intersex, solely sex diverse while others are gender diverse,
and still further some people can be both sex and gender diverse or intersex
and gender diverse.
Over the past 100 years nomenclature in the field of clinical, academic
sexology, intersex studies and sex and/or gender diversity has been riddled
with contentions (Ellis, 1905) (Hirschfeld, 1991) (Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin,
1949 &1953) (Dreger, 1998 &1999) (Krafft- Ebing, 1886) (Cauldwell,
1949) (Prince, 1997) (Benjamin, 1966) (Money, 1986) (Bailey, 2003) (Lee,
2006). Useage of labelling for these different experiences has been a
battleground between the medical establishment's attempt to overpathologise
intersex, sex and/or gender diversity and those individuals' quests for
self-differentiation. Clinical descriptive labelling has often been associated
with psychopathology even for individuals who have recognised medical
intersex conditions (O'Keefe, 1999).
Using the research phrase, 'Deviation from the norm' has seen intersex,
sex and/or gender diverse people subjected to psychiatric and psychoanalytical
over-psychopathologisation, social exclusion, civil rights denial and
physical violence (Serano, 2007) (Tully, 1992) (Califia, 1997) (Film:
Boys Don't Cry, 1999).
Such prejudices have come from academia, the medical profession (particularly
HBIGDA (Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria Association), now
known as WPATH (World Professional Association for Transgender Health),
who sought to classify transsexualism under the title 'Gender Identity
Disorder' as a psychopathology in the DSM 111 (APS, 1980), society at
large, religious denominations, lawmakers, and even from some civil rights
campaigners operating their own agendas (Raymond, 1979).
When talking about the collective groups of intersex, sex and/or gender
diverse people I include people who are intersexed, transexed, transsexual,
transgendered, androgynous, sinandrogenous (without sex and gender identity).
We must also include people from other cultures that may have different
ideas of masculinity and femininity that are unlike the Western Judeo/Christian
stereotypes; for example the hijra of India and Pakistan, khusra of Pakistan,
and male-role women (O'Keefe & Fox, 1997) (O'Keefe, 1999) (Young,
2000) (Ramet, 1996). Since new groups will emerge in time and there are
probably types of people I might not have even mentioned, let us safely
say that I mean all people that are other than stereotypically male or
female.
Intersex people have frequently had medical treatments forced upon them
that they sometimes, on reflection, did not want (Dreger, 1998 &1999).
Some intersex people, however, who were not happy with their identity,
managed to transition identities without resistance by clinicians (Langley
Simmons, 1995). Forms of androgyny of mind and behaviour were considered
curiosities to be studied (Faithfull, 1938) (Money, 1986).
Transsexual people were frequently unjustly categorised as having a mental
disorder (Stoller, 1973) (DSM 111, 1980) (Califia, 1997). Cross-dressers
have been persecuted and suffered violence with threats of prison (Von
Mahlsdorf, 1995) (O'Keefe, 1999). Others have sought notoriety as drag
queens (Gorman, 1998); and the wealthy, shrewd and infamous ones have
led privileged lives (Collis, 2001) (Kates, 1996). Cultural specific cross-gender
identification is also well documented (Young, 2000).
The catalogue of suffering of intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people
at the hands of others is indeed a litany far too long to be noted in
this paper. That persecution is not only past but truly current, causing
great distress to many intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people and
disallowing them from living a peaceful and orderly life. Furthermore,
each of these groups has their own issues around self-naming their identity.
The History of Sexing and Gendering of Intersex, Sex And /Or Gender Diverse
People
When we look at the early autobiographies and biographies of people who
changed their sex (their words), they were labelled transsexuals according
to their own description. There is no mention of gender identity (Cowell,
1954) ( Jorgensen, 1967) (Morgan, 1973) (Morris, 1974) (Hodgkinson, 1989)
(Stirling, 1989) (Cossey 1991), (Ashley 2006). For them, they changed
their sex. In The Transsexual Phenomenom (Benjamin, 1966), the first major
work by a clinician on people changing their sex identity, there was no
emphasis on the phrase 'gender identity'. The authors referred to such
people as changing their sex and being transsexuals.
The major proponent of gender identity in this field was John Money (1986
& 1995), Professor of Paediatrics and Psychiatry at Johns Hopkins
University. He developed the theory that gender programming could be successful
with infants regardless of their original natal sex (Money, 1995). In
the case of David Reimer, a twin who suffered a disastrous circumcision
accident, Money sanctioned penile amputation of the infant. Money then
convinced the family to bring the child up as a girl (Colapinto, 2000).
Extremely distressed in adolescence, the child reverted to a male identity
and committed suicide in adulthood. This, however, set the stage for the
concept that sex and gender identity may be different things but Money
failed to truly differentiate between sex identity and gender identity.
Benjamin went on to form the Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria
Association (HBIGDA) in the 1970s for professionals working with transsexuals
in the field of changing sexes (Matt, Devor, Vladicka, 2009). The Association
was originally formed to protect professionals from being sued for working
with patients who might regret their decision but also from being sued
by the patients' relatives, particularly spouses. Such work was viewed
as medically risky and unproven by many in the medical profession. Members
of HBIGDA sought to give it professional credence by their association.
HBIGDA held conferences, issued Standards of Care for clinicians and the
members sought to pathologise the cross-sex and cross-gender identity
process, resulting in transsexuals being listed in the Diagnostic &
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM, 111, (APS, 1980).
In some countries, particularly the UK, this facilitated the gaining of
funds from the government to treat transsexuals by psychiatry, psychology,
hormones and surgery. In America the Johns Hopkins Hospital, University
of Minnesota, Stanford University, University of Oregon and Case Western
Reserve took on the role with limited funds (Califia, 1997). Later doctors
in other countries managed to get funds out of their governments for such
work, even in China, often under the disguise of research but most treatments
were and still are funded privately by the individual.
This was the initiation of what became known as the gatekeeper system
when people had to pass interviews before they would be allowed treatment
to transition to other strictly male or female roles. It was a clinical
policing system operated by clinicians to guide patients into firmly male
or female heterosexual roles. Patients who refused to fit into the model
were rejected for treatment and frequently further psycho-pathologised
as delusional with added personality disorders. The gatekeeper system
began to collapse in the early 1980s with the death of the British psychiatrist
John Randall and the scaling down of help for people in America as funding
began to dry up as Money's influence dwindled. The gatekeeper system,
however, was active in many parts of the world as psycho-theorists in
HBIGDA were prevalent and dominated the field. Today it is still active
in many parts of the world and patients are still rejected for treatment.
At the same time and into the 1990s in America the beginnings of the gender
liberation movement was starting with activists in California and New
York (Feinberg, 1996) (Green, 2004) (Bornstein, 1994) (Wilkins, 1997),
which spread across the globe piece by piece into the 1990s. Since sex
changing was officially under the express control of medical establishments,
if people were funded by the state, gender was considered a possession
of the community over which controlling clinicians could not rule. Gender
deviation became an act of counter-revolution (Volcano, 1999). Thus progressed
the transgender liberation movement on the tailcoats of the gay liberation
movement and the feminist's use of gender as an identity variance rather
than sex.
The transgender movement was supposed to set trans people free from the
control of society, clinicians, outdated laws and prejudice. It was to
include all trans oppressed people. In doing that, however, it became
an oppressor itself. In the mid-1990s I was involved in the first trans
section in the London Pride march. One organiser, himself a transman,
turned up the official banner declaring 'transgender rights'. I pointed
out to him that many sex and/or gender diverse people were not transgendered
identified but by that time he had been bitten by the transgender virus
and abandoned his previous transsexual identity.
I published my books Sex, Gender and Sexuality: 21st Century Transformations
(1999), Finding the Real Me (2003) and Trans People in Love (2008), with
my partner Katrina Fox and focused across a wide sex and/or gender diverse
spectrum, never using the term 'transgender' as an umbrella term. We had
contact with many intersex, trans and sex and/or gender diverse people
who did not identify as transgender in any way whatsoever. For many their
transformation was about their physical body and biological sex characteristics
not about their gender performance. Some were partially intersex or intersex
identified but not transgender identified.
Recently
I wrote an article entitled 'Don't
call me Transgender' for The Scavenger online magazine (O'Keefe, 2010)
because I am both transexed and intersex but not transgendered. Some of
the responses I got were very supportive and some abusive. Some of the
abusive ones I received were from professionals in the field, even doctors,
who made it obvious that they saw me as some kind of deranged reprobate
because I would not fit into their transgender dictum. Indeed, what used
to be the transsexual mafia at the HBIGDA has now been replaced with the
transgender fascista at WPATH - new name, same old prejudices towards
people who do not fit their narrow categorisations.
This is likely to be partly due to the Americans' discomfort with the
word sex, WPATH being mainly an American organisation. Money wrote in
The Destroying Angel (1985) of a long history of religiosity and prudishness
in the USA. Since America is a deeply religious country the evangelical
religious sector of society is often sex phobic. The problem in trans
liberation was the word 'transsexual' which was based on Cauldwell's (1949)
original indication of sexual deviance. While Krafft-Ebing (1886) at the
end of the 19th century and Hirschfeld (2003) at the begin of the 20th
did see transsexualism as a form of intersex, the translations from the
German crossed identity too far into a sexuality when Freud influenced
popular culture and focused on psychoanalytic psychopathologies. To be
fair, even Freud did not like the translation of his works into English
(Freud, 1953) (Taylor, 1996). Since the word gender was considered more
respectable, acceptable and less confrontational, the American trans liberationists
in the 1990s adopted transgender to replace transsexual in a bid for greater
sympathy in society.
Even the American trans liberationist and campaigner Jamison Green wrote:
"Transsexual people usually wish to be perceived and taken seriously
as members of the gender class to which they feel comfortable." (Green,
1999 (in More and Whittle p117 (Eds.)
While this seeks to be sympathetic it fails to understand that many transsexual
and transexed people experience sex dysphoria or exploration and not gender
dysphoria, and that their issues are about their physiological bodies
not their social roles - which, for those who are dysphoric, is the same
kind of dysphoria frequently suffered by many officially intersex people
who have been assigned inappropriate sexes.
Green previously lived as a lesbian and struggled with his gender issues
for many years before transition so he was likely impregnated with the
language of feminists, which is based around gender not around sex. While
there are transitioning people who do have issues around their gender,
many transexed and transsexual people only have issues about their anatomical
bodies and sex characteristics.
The trans-intersex divide
During the 20th century intersex and trans identities were separated by
internal political prejudices. In many parts of the intersex and trans
movements there are still pockets of people who continue to discriminate
against either group. The transgender movement in the 1990s and 2000s
left many intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people feeling they did
not belong to the movement as they did not identify as transgendered but
as intersex, androgynous or without sex and/or gender identity.
People with intersex variations outnumber trans people with some frequency
of varying kinds of around one in 100 people (O'Keefe, 1999) for both.
Like trans people, intersex people have suffered persecution at the hands
of the medical profession, society and the lack of protection in law (Campbell,
1997). They too are often psycho-pathologised when refusing to accept
treatment that the medical professionals believe is best for them or refusing
to accept an assigned sex and/or gender.
For fear that they may be subjected to the terrible treatments that many
trans people encountered, the intersex networks distanced themselves from
indentifying with trans people. Intersex people still need protection
from the medical profession foisting treatments on them without their
consent. WPATH in 2008 added an intersex section to its committees regardless
of great international protests from intersex communities because of WPATH's
lack of consultation with intersex groups. What followed was a classic
internet row between the then president of WPATH and members of Organisation
International Intersexual (OII), which clearly demonstrated the historical
mistrust between trans and intersex groups, academics, and the top-down
management approaches of many clinicians about people's choices over their
lives.
(http://whittlings.blogspot.com/2008_07_01_archive.html,
July 2008)
How Transgender
as an Overview Failed
Ekins and King (p9, 2005) write about how Virginia Prince, an American
male pharmacologist who went on to live as a female, coined the term transgender.
In trying to place her (preferred pronoun) in a historical context they
also recorded how Prince was against sex realignment surgery and her disdainful
attitude towards transsexuals who underwent genital modification.
She also claims to have "coined the terms 'transgender' and 'transgenderist'
as nouns describing people like myself who have breasts and live full
time as a woman but who have no intention of having genital surgery."
(Prince, 1997a: 469) Ekins & King, 2005).
Prince was a biological purist who did not believe that sex was changeable,
seeing it only as its early crude biological concomitants. She did not
strictly view herself as a cross-dresser but someone who wanted to live
more permanently as female and did not want genital surgery. She believed
that her solution was a change of gender not a change of sex. Unfortunately,
she was unable to see or appreciate the whole spectrum of human sex and/or
gender diversity.
In the 1990s the word transgender became popular in America with many
people who did not feel they fitted the classical transsexual model written
about by Benjamin. The model determined that the classical transsexual
did everything they could to change their natal sex and identified as
their destination other sex.
Many transgender identified people could not afford surgery, did not want
it, were too ill to undergo it or challenged its cultural necessity. For
many who did not fit that extreme transsexual model, transgenderism was
a blessing, allowing them to simply be a mix of male and female. It allowed
those identifying as transgender to be successful as transgendered and
not failures as transsexuals when they did not pass in public as their
destination sex identification or did not qualify under the HBIGDA criteria.
There were those who, like Prince, had clear transgendered identities
and those who through poverty or ill health were unable to go medicinally
very far with their transition and adopted the transgender approach out
of absolute necessity. There were also those who felt that medical options
open to them were too risky or undesirable, so terms like non-operative
transsexual and transgendered were used to accommodate and legitimate
those identities (Feinberg, 1996) (Bornstein, 1994) (Stryker & Whittle,
2006).
Many people started to use the term transgender to describe all sex and/or
gender diverse people, which it could not because the spectrum of experiences
is too wide. Many thousands of transexed and transsexual people were and
are not comfortable with the term transgender. Rachael Wallbank, the Australian
lawyer, has consistently spoken out publicly about her experience as a
woman with a transsexual history and her disassociation from the transgender
experience (Wallbank, 2010).
Also many
people who are androgynous or without sex and gender identity do not identify
as transgender, such as Norrie, the Australian who was granted what is
believed to be the world's first sex no specified documents (the document
was later rescinded by the government).
http://www.thescavenger.net/glbsgdq/sex-not-specified-australia-leads-the-way-in-legal-document-756345.html,
March, 2010)
Now the public is confused because people who cross-dress are also referring
to themselves as transgendered or gender adventurous and telling the world
they do not want to medically transition (Novic, 2004). So the public
now often thinks that all so-called transgender people can live without
transition.
This foray into intersex and trans internal politics is only a taster
and the field is far too complex to be addressed by this paper but the
reader might consider how contentious the use of the word transgender,
as an overview, is for many intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people
and sometimes deleteriously impacts on their social and legal rights.
The co-opting of the word transgender by academics to cover the whole
spectrum of sex and/or gender diverse people has been a phenomenal failure.
Each group has its very specific needs. The transexed (transsexuals who
indentify as intersex) and transsexual group are struggling to get governments
to pay for treatment and change laws to allow them to live in their needed
sex and/or gender. The transgender groups often do not want or want limited
medical treatment or surgical intervention and frequently do not identify
as their opposite natal sex unlike many transexed or transsexual people.
Further complications now occur when some transsexual, transexed and some
self-identified transgendered people describe the same life experiences
but are calling it by different names.
When a person appears on the television calling themselves transgender
and declares that there is no need for hormones or surgery for them, the
public think all transgendered people think like that way. If the same
label is then attempted to be used to describe someone of intersex, transexed
or transsexual experience the public once again sees someone they assume
does not want those treatments. They have been imprinted with the notion
that transgender means not wanting medical intervention. For those intersex,
sex and/or gender diverse people who do not identify as transgender this
can be very distressing because their very life may depend upon accessing
hormones and surgery; but even more it can impinge upon their civil rights
because the public only wants to give them the rights of the person who
does not want medical intervention.
Now of course the person who does not want or only wants limited medical
intervention has a truly valued experience. However, the price of using
the transgender label as a generalisation that includes intersexed, transexed,
transsexual or other identities is too confusing to the public and for
some the cost is too high to pay.
The advocates of transgender as an umbrella term will tell you it has
two meanings: one as a man in a dress or a woman in a man's suit and someone
who does not want surgery or hormones; and the classic transexed or transsexual
(some even include intersex). Such a highly charged and descriptive word
as transgender cannot have two clear meanings when such complex issues
are involved - it becomes linguistically reckless. Language is never that
simple and there is a need to realise how the use of the word transgender
for all the intersex, sex and/or gender diverse groups steals many of
their experiences as well as human and legal rights by mislabelling them.
In using a highly charged word like transgender as a personal noun, in
a political arena its surface meaning and root meaning must be congruent
and not open to misunderstanding. The word transgender can never be truly
grammatically congruent within that context. This only leads to animosity
if someone believes their needs have not been met by their interests being
mis-described.
While some intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people might not be offended
when mistaken for transgender people, when they are not, it is detrimental
to their legal and social rights if people assume they want the same rights
as those who simply want to cross-dress. Each intersex, sex and/or gender
diverse groups' needs should be considered in their own right. After writing
my 2010 article recently asking people not to refer to me as transgender
someone left this comment on the comments section:
Transgender' has become one of the most dangerous words in the gender
variant lexicon. Over the years, I have seen it used as an umbrella term
for all people with issues of gender or sex variance, as an alternative
term for transvestite and as a third gender, among others. I have listened
to people accept the variation in definitions and to people who assert
that their definition is THE correct one. I have listened to them exclude
themselves from being transgender because they are women or men 'with
a history', because they are transvestites, because they are intersex,
because they are transsexual
the list is endless. (January 2010)
We must also reconsider the rights of those who do actually meet the criteria
of Prince's original meaning of transgender because when that meaning
is bastardised too far beyond its grammatical roots the social space for
such people is also stolen, distorted and destroyed.
Branding and Its Commercial Application to Intersex, Sex and/or Gender
Diverse Identities
When we trace the branding of intersex, sex and/or gender identities we
can see how they have belonged to the freak status, particularly for intersex
people, even though in some cultures they were revered. In the 19th century
intersex people sometimes worked in circus carnivals as curiosities to
survive. Shame around their very being was laden upon them by medicine,
the law and social mores. We can see how in the 20th century the medical
establishment, along with psychology, commercialised intersex, sex and/or
gender variations through pathologisation and control of the individual's
fate with the gatekeeper system and how trans people inherited some of
the shame and lack of control over their own lives that intersex people
frequently experienced (Dreger, 1998 & 1999) (O'Keefe & Fox 1997)
(Califia, 1997).
Academics then took possession of sex, gender and sexuality identity,
rebranding it as queer - that is, non-normative (Atkins, 1998). In the
2000s we saw trans academia attempting to rebrand all non-normative intersex,
sex and/or gender diverse people as transgender, even rewriting history
and ignoring that some of those people's histories were not in fact transgendered
at all as they were intersexed, transsexual, transvestite or a myriad
of other identities (Currah et al, 2006) (Stryker, 2008) (Stryker &
Whittle, 2006).
A more sinister turn has been HBIGDA changing its name to WPATH in 2009.
This ostensibly became a closed cult and no longer a holistic professional
healthcare association, if it ever was, where all sex and/or gender diverse
people were respected. WPATH selectively sanctions members' contribution
to the debate on its discussion list for what appear to be the dissenters
to transgender branding and still does today. I am such a rebel without
apology. Many WPATH members fail to respect the rights of individuals
to self-identify as not being transgendered. Anthropological sexology,
it seems, is secondary to branding for many members of WPATH and certainly
for its ruling élite.
This whole rebranding of intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people, as
intended, has been hugely successful in liberating trans people who do
not strictly identify as male or female. The knock-on effects, however,
have been catastrophic for intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people
who do not identify as transgender. Within the trans community non-transgender
people are being pilloried, abused, ignored and bullied for not being
identified as transgendered and fitting the transgender mould.
Intersex people are frequently unhappy with WPATH members and clinicians
equating their identities as disorders of sexual development. They do
not see themselves as transgendered and frequently do not see themselves
as having disorders at all. Some intersex people, however, do have to
get themselves diagnosed as trans in order to get the medical treatment
they need that they cannot get as intersex people. Let us also not forget
that much of the fight for many intersex people is not to have treatment
they have not approved forced upon them without their permission.
GLBTI: The Theft of Intersex, Sex and/or Gender Diverse Identities
From the mid 1990s the gay, lesbian and bisexual (GLB) movement would
at times tag T for transgender onto the end of their campaigning acronyms
in an attempt to swell their numbers and to appear politically correct.
This often caused enormous animosity by many sex and/or gender diverse
people towards the GLB movement as their fight for social justice is not
about sexuality. For the majority of intersex, sex and/or gender diverse
people their fight for equal rights is about sex and/or gender identity,
which are different things. At times some of the trans equal rights movements
solicited conjoint lobbying power with the GLB movement and still at times
attempts to today. Crossover occurs at times with drag queens and transvestites
whose cross-sex associations are part of the expression of their sexuality.
The T can stand for transexed, transsexual, transgender or transvestite,
transfluid and each of these groups may have different social, medical
and legal needs so GLB people frequently misunderstand those needs. This
can severely endanger trans people in that GLB campaigners for equal rights
get the requirements of the trans groups wrong and can cause more political
damage than good. The gay press constantly runs stories about trans people
with incorrect facts. It is a myth that GLB people understand trans people
more than heterosexual people.
Again the GLB community often tag 'I' on the end of their acronym, not
truly understanding the complex medico/legal issues involved in campaigning
for intersex people to elect or refuse medical treatment or become involved
in legal battles against discrimination.
These concerns can be about the right to choose identity or highly complex
medical conditions that may at times present a life or death situation,
and reading a few government documents cannot substitute for a lifetime
of experience had by intersex people themselves. For those who identify
as intersex their needs are very specific and they may not wish to be
branded with the gay tag because it buries their issues rather than highlighting
them. There are further those who are intersexed who are heterosexual
identified and do not want to be gay branded, just as many trans people
do not want to be gay branded.
The GLB movement constantly speaks out as the GLBTI movement, without
the proper consultation, knowledge or the permission of many ISGD people.
The internal politics of the trans and intersex movements are very complex
and in continual flux, which GLB people cannot generally understand or
be up to date with.
Having co-opted TI into their acronym the GLB campaigning groups then
often dump ISGD matters when it comes to collective bargaining power with
politicians for their own profit and equal rights gain, having used ISGD
numbers to swell their own bargaining power. They are fair-weather friends
to ISGD people. This frequently angers the ISGD groups because it uses
their name ineffectually. There is also the fact that there are people
who are sex and/or gender diverse who do not identify as trans or intersex
who are missed out by the T or I labels.
At this very conference transgender and intersex were listed as sexualities.
After that was a listing of sex and gender diversity with a bracket showing
(GBLT), further showing GBL peoples lack of understanding about ISGD issues.
On the conference evaluation form was only spaces for people to tick male
or female when there were intersex speakers listed.
When lobbying for GLBT issues and equal rights, this does not cover discrimination
against intersex people but many campaigners I have spoken to are unaware
of that problem. What the GLB movements must stop doing immediately, however,
is faking knowledge about ISGD issues without consulting with each and
every SGD sub-group, since each group has different medical, psychological,
social and legal needs. After 40 years of being involved in civil rights
I have come to the conclusion at the end of the day that ISGD people would
do better campaigning collectively on their own on their own issues than
allow GBL groups to speak in their name. If there were to be any alliance
it must be made clear to GBL groups should not to speak in ISGD peoples'
name.
Clinical Useage
The study of sexology has existed for over a hundred years now. What has
unfortunately happened is that anthropological and sociological observations
of people's sex, gender and sexual behaviour has been over-medicalised
into pathologies for the health professionals to make money. Psychology
and psychoanalysis are just as guilty of this as generalised medicine.
SGD people have been subsumed to a plethora of pathologies and clinicians'
humanity has frequently been abandoned as medicine has attempted to foist
stereotypical concepts of correct maleness and femaleness upon them as
well as inaccurate diagnostic criteria.
I wish I could say this medicalisation has always been for the furtherment
of science; but the extremely high level of unhappiness of many intersex,
sex and/or gender diverse people with the treatment they received and
suicides tells us that many of the clinicians and academics who quote
from text books, rarely listen. Because of the complex needs of intersex,
sex and/or gender diverse people they can need high healthcare clinic
hours and dollars to help them, not only to define their identities, but
also strengthen those identities to form strong self-sufficient personalities.
Psycho-pathologisation may work for some clinicians but it does not generally
work for the patient/client who needs to return to their ordinary life
as a whole person, after clinical intervention. ISGD people as an umbrella
term avoids psycho-pathologisation and respects the nature and nurture
differences, without seeking to quantify them with absolutism that creates
yet another prison for the person.
If I am diagnosing a physical condition I have a duty to tell the person
what the condition is.
In matters of intersex, sex and/or gender diversity, I can only assist
them to determine what is right for them. I do not tell people what their
sex or gender identity is or should or should not be. I do not have to
live their life for them or encounter the consequences of their actions.
The client plays a game of pick and mix: a catalogue of different identities
to pick from are offered that may or may not suit them; sometimes they
make up their own identity and that is OK too. I know many of my colleagues
see this as me joining in a folie à deux with patients/clients,
but I see it as following a personal-centered approach.
This approach has been successful because the patient/client gets a perfect
fit for the identity they wish to have, regardless of what that might
be; whether it is male, female, intersex, transexed, transgendered, cross-dresser,
androgynous or to have no sex and gender at all.
I now use intersex, sex and/or gender diverse (ISGD) as a collective umbrella
but never as a personal noun. If it was used as a personal noun it would
then become an oxymoron because it simply becomes another categorised
label. For instance to say all Americans have brown hair or all Europeans
speak French would be a ridiculous set of generalisations and untrue,
and so would considering all intersex, sex and/or gender diverse people
as being transgender.
Fear of loss of identity
As the phrase sex and/or gender diversity went around the world it was
received very well. The 26 April had been designated International Sex
and/or Gender Diversity Day with the first one happening in 2010, with
a sub-phrase of 'no labels day'. (Click HERE
for images).
For the
very first time, people of all those different intersex, sex and/or gender
diverse identities came together in peace and awareness of their existence.
Many organisations including trans, intersex and androgynous had supported
the use of the phrase as a metaphrase. I responded to a question posted
on an article I wrote about the
event on The Scavenger online magazine:
Q: So, if we don't want labels, why do we need another label, SGD?
There's LGBT, TS, TG, TV, IS, GQ, GI(D), DSD, and now SGD. SGD, a new
box to shove all those that won't fit in the others. Instructed to play
nicely together in our own box. So many days - ISD, IAD, TGDR, Pride etc.
Now it's SGD as well. So it goes...
A: You have a really good question and I'm so glad you asked it. The answer
though was in my 1997 book Trans-X-U-All: The Naked Difference and it
is very simple. You need to look to the internet. 1990 no civil rights
for virtually all sex and/or gender diverse people - globally. Internet
arrives we find each other, gather numbers and make huge strides. We are
however still very divided and oppressed by our own divisions. Intersex
fighting for this, transsexuals for that and transgendered for the other
and the poor cross-dresser seen as the great unwashed - need I go on?
It's time to put down our exclusive members' cards for those iconoclastic
clubs and connect against the oppression of all sex and/or gender diverse
people everywhere. - Tracie O'Keefe. (http://www.thescavenger.net/glbsgdq/1st-sex-and-or-gender-diversity-day-26-april-72456.html,
April 2010)
One
negative theme that came back was the fear of the loss of identity by
the differing intersex, sex and/or gender diverse groups. Their fear was
that SGD would seek to replace their current labels but it would have
been used incorrectly if that were the case. It was simply intended as
a metaphrase for all non-stereotypical sex and/gender diverse people.
It was never intended to be used as a personal noun or as a replacement
label for different experiences. No one person could be SGD, only a collective
of differing sex and/or gender diverse groups.
What happened in Sydney on 26 April 2010 was beyond all expectations.
Around a hundred people from all the aforementioned groups came together
for the Still Fierce Picnic in way that I have never witnessed before,
in absolute harmony and support of each other. Because of the phenomenal
success of this event and in the spirit of co-operation SAGE voted to
change its nine-year overarching phrase from sex and/or gender diverse
(SGD) people to intersex, sex and/or gender (ISGD), people. As a civil
rights movement we decided to move into a more united future.
Conclusion
The Australian Human Rights Commission, under the advice from the campaign
group Sex and Gender Education (SAGE) Australia, in its 2009 Sex Files
report on the legal rights of sex and/or gender diverse people, decided
to use the phrase as a meta-analytical perspective. The phrase quickly
caught on in Australia among health professionals and campaigners as a
metaphrase. Intersex people, however, felt their needs were not sufficiently
paid attention.
In conclusion it is plain to see that transgender as an umbrella term
for intersex, sex and/or gender diverse (ISGD) groups of people has failed
completely to satisfy the needs of many intersex, sex and/or gender diverse
(ISGD) groups. As a word 'transgender' misdescribes many intersex, sex
and/or gender (ISGD) people. This particularly pertains to those who are
intersex, transexed, transsexual, androgynous or without sex and gender
identity and other sex and/or gender diverse identities. The word transgender's
double meaning and historical context angers many intersex, sex and/or
gender diverse people (ISGD) who do not identify as transgender, robbing
them of their self-identification and disadvantaging their equal rights.
Since those people will not change their identities there is a need to
be more careful with language and use a softer, less specific, open option
like intersex, sex and/or gender diverse (ISGD) people as an overview.
This allows each group and individual under that umbrella to categorise
their own identity in a way that is right for them. Language changes to
reflect changing culture so I commend the use of intersex, sex and/or
gender diverse (ISGD) as an overarching model for the future.
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Images
from the 'No Labels Picnic' celebrating the 1st International Sex and/or
Gender Diversity Day, Camperdown Park, Sydney 26 April 2010.
Photos by
Tracie O'Keefe
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